Tuesday, December 25, 2007

Nothing was able to concretely link Narendra Modi with the Gujarat riots


Joydeep Ray
Sunday, December 23, 2007 (Gandhinagar)

In all these five years, nothing was able to concretely link Narendra Modi with the Gujarat riots.

1 ) No charge has ever been proved in any court of law.

2) No accusation has been upheld by any commission of inquiry.

3) Not even an FIR was registered in any police station.

MAIN ALLEGATION 1 : "Modi had insisted that the bodies of Kar Sevaks, who had lost their lives in the Sabarmati Express carnage, be brought into Ahmedabad in full public view to incite Hindu anger."

STATUS : A petition to this effect by the Jan Sangharsh Manch was filed before the Nanavati Commission of Inquiry.


''Unless the link between the rioters and the administration and the hierarchy of command is brought out, proved, I don't think we will be able to book Modi under Section 120B of Indian Penal Code for hatching a conspiracy. That's precisely the reason why we are why we are linking up the triggering of the riots of February 28 with the bringing out of dead bodies here,'' said Mukul Sinha High Court Lawyer, Activist.

"Modi had instructed top cops, including the then Additional Director General of Police R B Sreekumar, to remain passive and silent for three days starting February 28, 2002."

STATUS : "There are 40-45 points linking the circumstances of riot, thereafter evidences about the conspiracy hatched at the highest level in which the Chief Minister was involved for organising this extensive genocide " --R B Sreekumar

CONCLUSION : Wait till 2008

The Nanavati Commission of Inquiry is hearing the final petitions. It's report is due early 2008 .

TILL THEN CROSS YOUR FINGERS . OK ? Or Go before Nanavati Commission of Inquiry and depose brfore them

Friday, December 14, 2007

Why Modi Will Score a Land Slide?

By Arvind J Bosmia

With congress electoral strategies formulated in terms of its golden bygone era, the Hinduttva mascot Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi is all set to score a massive landslide victory at the coming assembly elections- much bigger than the one he scored in 2002.

This is the most onesided election I have covered in my 28 year long journalistic career where there is no electoral issue except the incumbent Chief Minister himself, who looms larger than life before has been and would be small timers of Congress. When a Tendulkar faces gali-mohalla bowlers a double century is certain.
In Gujarat, Congress's electoral brahmastra was KHAM( Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi and Muslims). Major non-Muslim components of KHAM have migrated to BJP under the compulsions created by serial communal riots since 1985. Congress has failed to reclaim them as its aggressive wooing of the Muslims has put the other three off.
In this situation of communal polarization, Modi has managed to build the halo of a Hindu taranhar (savior) around himself further consolidated by highly focused publicity campaigns as Vikas Purush, a leader with a difference.

This special Chemistry with the people has allowed him to get away with riding rough-shod over BJP workers, fellow leaders and other wings of the sangh parivar. Kisan Sangh hostility cannot cause him loss of farming community votes because farmers have prospered under Modi raj. Bajrang Dal and VHP cannot challenge him because he is perceived as Bajrang Dal plus. Other sangh parivar constituents need him for survival but the reverse is not true.

This special bond with the public helped him overcome the boycott resorted to by BJP workers during the last Panchayat, Municipality and Municipal Corporation elections. The refrain was who will get the public to the voting booth if party workers are not around. The voters came on their own initiative, and voted for BJP. Modi through sheer Charisma single-handedly scored land slide victories in all the three.
Modi's direct dialing relationship with his voters will hold in the assembly elections, by-passing the need to depend on the party to deliver the votes. If landslides could be scored in elections where he was indirectly involved, there has to be a bigger response where his leadership is directly on offer.

The party bagged almost two-third of the seats in these elections. So the proportion in the assembly can shoot upto three-fourth and more. This gives him 135-137 seats. But the back-lash against Tehelka sting operation has added another 10 seats. The last minute windfall from Congress came with the maut ka soudagar comments from Sonia Gandhi, Hindu terrorists charge from Digvijay Singh and vainglorious charge from Abhishek Manu Sanghvi to haul Modi before International Court of Justice. This windfall can add 5 more seats guaranteeing BJP a tally of 150-155 seats.

Thanks to the such comments Congress Party is perceived to be a Muslim party by Gujarat voters, with all the damaging consequences thrown in. The comments have petrified the local leaders. The question is why must such suicidal comments be made unless of course a huge electoral loss is foreseen by the party in the Gujarat assembly elections and they chose to hit three kicks of their own to the dying state unit to book profits elsewhere in the country?

None understands the hyper-Muslim phobia of Gujarat voters than Narendra Modi, who with his Sohrabuddin counter comment has launched a well-crafted strategy to create a situation where Gujarat voters will turn up at the voting booths on their own to tell which side they are on? Modi knows it will be his side. The bigger the commotion over the matter, bigger will be the turnout at the booths. If there is penal action by the election commission or there is a criminal case booked against Modi, the backlash will be even bigger.

Peeved Congressmen and BJP dissidents had even alleged that Modi had commissioned the Tehelka sting. But they dare not say that Modi commissioned the Congress trios as well to make comments that doomed Congress Party helped Modi.
The Patel- Thakor castes alienation is more a media hype than a ground reality. Modi's appeal to Hindus cuts across caste lines. Though Modi is an OBC, high caste darbar kshatriyas regards him as their leader. No less than nonagenarian Maharaja of Dhragandhra Meghrajsinhji thinks that Gujarat CM is a true Kshatriya by Karma.
Yet there are some voters who will be overwhelmingly against Modi. They are : 1)Government servants and school teachers; 2) Muslims ; 3) BJP workers who feel that Modi has totally neglected them in power-sharing. The government servants have borne the brunt of Modi's high-geared publicity campaigns while the teachers were punished for habitual absenteeism and poor examination results of their students. Used to lax ways for years, they really detest Modi. 2. Muslims for very obvious reasons do not want him as they view him as the ultimate Shaitan. 3. BJP workers realized that they were no longer treated as members of the ruling party. They could not do influence peddling nor were they appointed as directors in public corporations. Modi was quite happy to use bureaucrats instead.

But ordinary voters who far outnumber these Modi-haters, will overwhelmingly go in favour of Modi.

Arvind J Bosmia is an Ahmedabad based Freelance Journalist

Modi responds to EC

http://bjp.org/ Press/dec_ 2007/dec_ 0807_p.htm

Narendra D. Modi

The Election Commission of India
Nirvachan Sadan,
Ashoka Road,
New Delhi.110001.

*Subject: Your Notice dated 6th December 2007 to Shri Narendra Modi,
Minister, Gujarat State.*


I am in receipt of your notice dated 6th December 2007 wherein on the
of the media reports and a complaint dated 5th December 2007 filed by
Setalvad, I am alleged to have made an open exhortation to violence and
misused of religion for political ends. The Election Commission has
stated that by linking the name of Sohrabuddin to terrorism in my speech
amounts to indulging in activity which may aggravate existing
creating mutual hatred and causing tension between different
communities. I
deny this charge in its entirety.

1. The Commission has acted on the basis of a complaint which alleges
my stand is contrary to what the State of Gujarat has stated in its
affidavit before the Supreme Court. The basis of the complaint appears
to be
a report dated 5th December 2007 of the Times of India by one Shri
Dayal. The relevant extract in the Times of India reads as under:

Modi...you tell what should be done to Sohrabuddin?
People at the rally: Kill him, kill him.
Modi: Well, that is what I did. And I did what was necessary."

The last sentence of the report of the Times of India has generated
controversy in the whole nation. Television Channels and News Papers
made comments to the effect that I have stated that 'Sohrabuddin got
what he
deserved', or that 'it is a confessional statement by me' or that 'Modi
justified a murder'. All other news papers cuttings which the Commission
taken into account are dated 6th December 2007, which do not report my
speech delivered on 4th December, 2007 but are comments inspired by
imputation in the Times of India. This last sentence is not reflected in
CD as having been used by me.

2. 'The Statesman' dated 6th December 2007 quoted me as having said -
"he (Sohrabuddin) has got what he deserved": The Hindustan Times of 6th
December quoted me as saying "Well then, that's it." I had on 6th
2007, immediately after receiving Election Commission's notice requested
that I may be supplied copy of the CD of the speech and also various
which have influenced the issuance of the notice. I have since received
copy of CD on the evening of 7th December 2007 at 5.45 p.m. I find none
the above statements are contained in my speech as recorded in the CD.
E.C. notice is issued on the basis of unverified and false media

3 As I am also involved in a campaign I am sending this as a preliminary
reply, which I am sure would satisfy the Election Commission with regard
the contents of my speech. Before I answer specifics raised in the
and the complaint, I wish to state that India is governed by Rule of law
Constitution. I am entitled to my right of free speech. Free and fair
election involves a debate on the political issues in the market place
politics. When statements are made by political opponents, others are
entitled to reply to them. The tone and content of the statement must
necessarily adhere to the Model Code of Conduct. I wish to categorically
state that I regard the Election Commission as a constitutional
under an obligation to ensure free and fair election which will also
my right of free speech against those who have started hate campaign

4. On 1st December 2007, AICC President Mrs. Sonia Gandhi visited
and referred to me by suggesting those who are ruling Gujarat are
dishonest and merchants of fear and death (Maut-ke-Soudagar) ." On 3rd
December 2007, AICC General Secretary Mr. Digvijay Singh visited Gujarat
referred to it as a State which has unleashed "Hindu terrorism." The
newspapers reported these statements extensively. Separate complaints
regard to the violation of the Code of Conduct were sent to the Election
Commission by the Gujarat Unit of BJP. No action has been taken against
those responsible for these statements by the Election Commission. I am
the Election Commission would at least now proceed to take action on

5. One of the critical issues in our country is the problem of
India has lost the lives almost 90,000 of innocent citizens and security
personnel in the last 17 years to terror. In the last four years, 5,619
innocents have been killed by the terrorist. The Government of Gujarat
has a
strong policy against terrorism. I believe that UPA and Congress party
indulging in Vote Bank politics and have sent soft signals on terrorism.
party and I have repeatedly made these charges against the Congress
In Gujarat only one life has been lost in the last four years through
terror. This is a result of our strong policy against terrorism. The
and the people of Gujarat are entitled to witness a fair debate on
terrorism. If any of the view point is censored or not permitted it will
interference in the right of free speech. Our Constitution and the
commission's obligation to conduct free and fair election will not
extend to
preventing me from expressing my strong views against terrorism..

6 My speech, therefore, has to be read entirely in this context. It was
political response to Mrs. Sonia Gandhi referring to me as those who
the Gujarat as a 'Mout-ke-saudagar' . Surely it cannot be policy of the
Election commission first to ignore the violation of the Code of Conduct
her statement and then censor my political response to that statement. I
have gone through my speech on the CD supplied. It is merely a response
Mrs. Sonia Gandhi calling me "Mout-ka-Saudagar" .

7. This part of my speech was entirely against terrorism. I criticized
Congress President for calling me a 'Maut Ka Saudagar´. I responded that
"Maut Ka Saudagar" are all those who attacked parliament. It is the
party which is delaying the execution of the guilty accused. I have made
reference to the Sohrabuddin' s case and mentioned the allegations
him. I have accused the Congress of suggesting that I have engineered a
encounter. I said that I am open for any action on this count. At no
of time I have either justified the specific encounter of Sohrabuddin' s
case, nor have I used the specific inculpatery sentences used in the
of India Report. It is clear that my comment is a part of my speech
where on
several occasions I have put questions to the audience which the
has answered. It is my political response to Smt. Gandhi's allegation
that I
am Maut-ka-Sodagar. I have replied back alleging that the Congress party
helping those who have spread terrorism in the country. It is clear that
Times of India's article which began this controversy, invented my
to the effect "Modi: Well that is what I did. And I did what was
The CD clearly indicates that this sentence was an invention of author
not the orator. The comments in the media that 'Modi justified murder'
that 'he made confessional statement' as being privy to murder or that
declared in the meeting that 'Sohrabuddin got what he deserved' do not
a mention in the CD. These are journalistic inventions intended to
a 'Hate Modi' campaign and not evidenced in the CD supplied by the
Commission. My criticism in the media was concocted and engineered by
'Hate Modi' Campaign. No where in my speech have I explicitly referred
the religion of any person. I have spoken against terrorism. It is not
speech but the complaint which assumes terrorism is linked to a

8. Am I to be prevented from giving my point that terrorism will not be
allowed on the soil of Gujarat or that Congress is soft on the terrors
thereby helping "Maut-ka-Sodagar" If Election Commission imposes any
regulation, it would offend our constitutional values and my right of
speech. At no stage I have controverted the affidavit filed by the
Government in the Supreme Court of India. I have already clarified my
position that I do not support fake encounters. Encounters can occur but
there should be no fake encounters. I have nowhere tried to prejudice
pending litigation. I am fully committed to the enforcement of the Model
Code of Conduct by the Election Commission and shall comply with it. I
believe that the Election Commission should not be misled by motivated
reports which are based on falsehood.

I, therefore, request the Election Commission to withdraw this notice.

------------ --------
(Narendra Modi)
Date. 8.12.2007.

Tuesday, November 13, 2007

Where is the moral outrage for Mossamat Akhera Bibi


Rakeeb Hussain for The Hindustan Times reports:

Shiekh Motaleb, who anyhow managed to rescue his sister Mossamat Akhera Bibi and admit her to the Tamluk sub-divisional hospital in East Midnapore on Saturday, said: “My sister was pregnant and couldn’t run away when the armed CPM cadres stormed inside Satengabari village. She was severally beaten up and then raped by the cadres. Her two teenage daughters Soma Khatoon and Anwara Khatoon too have been raped and then taken away.”

Nirmalya Bannerjee for the Times News Network has these quotes

”It was about 8 pm last Tuesday (a day after the final onslaught from Khejuri was launched). My husband was not at home. I was in bed with two teenage daughters when five men barged in.

About 25 others stood guard outside. They pulled me by the hair and one of them raped me. Our two daughters were also pulled out and raped by four people. They hit me with rifle butts.” She lay dazed in her house for a day before her nephew brought her to the Nandigram block hospital. Later, she was shifted to Tamluk. “I still don’t know what has happened to my two daughters,” she said.
Police recorded her statement on Sunday. “There is no visible sign of rape but she is a mother of a number of children. In such cases, rape is difficult to confirm by physical verification, often circumstantial evidence is crucial,” said Dr Sudip Gole who carried out the medical examination on Saturday night.

Where is the moral outrage for the rape of pregnant Muslim women by Communist cadre in West Bengal ?

Sunday, August 12, 2007

INDIA : Taslima issue exposes politicians' hypocrisy


Friday, August 10, 2007

The attack on exiled Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasreen has exposed deep-rooted hypocrisy with regard to fundamentalist protests against creative freedom in India.

Political condemnation has been not as vocal against the Muslim political party Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen's (MIM) attack on Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasreen.

Though she stays in exile from her country in Kolkata, even the Left government had banned one of her books. Fundamentalism at its worst, ironically elected representatives of India's democracy saying they may be MLAs but are Muslims first.

Three months ago a fine arts student in Baroda was jailed and his works vandalized by Sangh Parivar activists for painting what they saw as blasphemous images of Hindu deities.

But here's the difference, the Baroda incident led a nation wide outpouring of outrage at this moral policing by Hindu fundamentalists, as busloads of human rights activists and celebrities converged at the MS University in Baroda to support the student.

In Taslima's case the activists are either yet to mobilise support for the beleaguered writer and protest against similar attempts at censorship by Muslim activists or don't feel as strongly as they did for the Baroda student.

Brazenly unapologetic

A day after the MIM an ally of the UPA has been brazenly unapologetic about its ttack and the MLAs have been let out on bail in what seems to be tacit support of the state government.

The Congress has been guarded in its reaction uncertain about how strongly they should condemn the act.

''Writers have other subjects to write. Why just religion?'' asked Ghulam Nabi Azad, Chief Minister, Jammu & Kashmir.

And the Samajwadi party has gone a step further saying the MLAs were right, not surprising in a party where a minister announced a Rs 50 crore fatwa against a
Danish cartoonist for allegedly blasphemous cartoons of Prophet Mohammed.

''I will ask the government to get her visa revoked. She should be thrown out of the country,'' said Shahid Aqla, Samajwadi Party.

Many would see this as political doublespeak on issues of freedom of speech and expression but perhaps no one understands the need to clamp down on Muslim radicals
better than the Muslim community itself.

''Those who think that their action is justified because she vilified Islam have actually done more harm,'' said Shabana Azmi, actor.

READ : Where’re Human Rights Advocates?:INDIA VIEW

Friday, March 09, 2007

Teesta Setalvad speaks untruth to malign Hindus

21/33 Sagar Aptt.
Link Rd., Lokhandwala Cx.
Andheri – Mumbai 400 102

Tel.:25119890 - Cell No. 9892474984


This is with reference to the news, “ Carnage
anniversary concludes with a dharna” ( FPJ – March 6,
2007). According to the news, Teesta Setalvad, told
the small group, who attended the dharna to force the
Gujarat government to come out with the “truth ” of
what happened in 2002.
This is to inform the readers that Teesta has no moral
right to talk of truth. Her track record shows that
she has spoken untruth many times to malign Hindus. I
give herewith just two examples: (1) She has blamed
Hindus for blasts in Malegaon. If you click “
www.sabrang.com “, you find an article headed as “
evidence of Hindu terror” written long back even
before the probe started. After the probe the ATS
found the evidence that the terrorists were members of
the banned organization SIMI ( Students of Islamic
Movement of India). (2) In September 1998 two nuns
were raped in Zabua, MP; before the probe, Teesta
blamed Hindus for the rape in her article of Sabrang
of October 1998. After the probe, it was found that
the rapists were all Christians. Teesta had no
courtesy to apologise for her serious lapse.
Yours faithfully,

Wednesday, March 07, 2007

Teesta Shabana Amir Ahahrukh: What happened to freedom of speech?

Teesta Shabana Amir Ahahrukh: What happened to freedom of speech?

No more Desperate Housewives in Kashmir

Associated Press
Posted online: Wednesday, March 07, 2007 at 1518 hours IST
Updated: Wednesday, March 07, 2007 at 2009 hours IST

Srinagar, March 7: There will be no more Desperate Housewives for residents of Kashmir. They will have to do without Friends reruns, too.

Four foreign television channels have been pulled from the air in Kashmir after militant groups demanded cable companies stop airing "obscene" shows, cable operators said on Wednesday.

"As militants have asked us to stop airing obscene channels, we've suspended broadcasting English channels like HBO, Star Movies, Star World and Sony Pix," said Muzaffar Ahmed, a TV cable operator in Srinagar.

Two militant groups - Al-Badr Mujahedeen and Al-Madina – on Sunday in a telephone call to a local news agency, Current News Service, advised TV cable operators to drop channels that, according to the groups, spread obscenity. The groups did not specify which channels they were referring to.

"We took the decision after a meeting of all local cable operators in Srinagar," said Ahmed.

The content of the channel's broadcasts in India is already pretty tame compared to other countries in order to comply with India's stringent censorship laws. Obscenities are bleeped out and hints of nudity blurred. Other scenes are cut entirely.

In January the AXN channel was barred from the airwaves for two months for airing the show "the World's Sexiest Advertisements."

Cable operators were taking no chances. Last year, a bomb blast rocked the office of a cable TV provider in the town of Sopore, 50 kilometers north of Srinagar. One person died in the explosion and the company's third floor office was badly damaged by the blast. The lone cable operator in the town later halted telecasts.

Police said no formal complaints had been received from cable operators.

However, some of them have informed police about the threats, said Farooq Ahmed, a deputy-inspector general of police in Srinagar.

"Nevertheless, we've stepped up foot patrols around TV cable offices," he said

Tuesday, March 06, 2007

Can we hold the peace? - K P S Gill

Saturday, March 03, 2007

Feb. 28, 2007

Five years after the horrific riots in Gujarat, we are still unprepared to anticipate and deal with the danger of communal violence
Five years after the horrific Godhra attack that triggered the riots in Gujarat, an ominous reminder of that event came in the shape of another incendiary attack on hapless rail users: The terrorist attack on the Delhi-Attari special train, packed with passengers to Pakistan. Evidently, efforts to polarise communities and to provoke communal violence have not ended. The recent attack, however, failed in its objective to incite wider carnage, despite attempts by elements in Pakistan, and some extraordinarily shrill voices from the ‘secular’ lobby in India, to give the incident a communal twist and link it to Gujarat riots.

Despite the general sobriety of the Indian response to the attack on the Delhi-Attari train, it is evident that the dangers that manifested themselves in Godhra and the riots in Gujarat are far from a thing of the past. Worse, we appear, today, to be no better prepared for such incidents than we were five years ago. During and after my brief tenure as advisor in Gujarat — where I was called to quell the riots — I had emphasised that the state’s communal conflagration was far from unique, and that the then latest orgy of violence lay along a continuum of comparable incidents, commencing with the bloodbath of 1969 which left at least 660 dead. A question I raised then, and that remains as relevant now, is, what do we do in the interregnums of peace to ensure that such episodes do not recur? The short answer is: Precious little.
I don’t think that anything substantial has been done either at the level of the states or at the Centre, to create instruments and mechanisms in communally sensitive areas that would prevent the recurrence of these disgraceful events. A great deal of political heat and dust is generated immediately after the event — and on various ‘anniversaries’ and politically sensitive times, such as elections — but little is done to improve the nation’s structural defences against the dangers of recurrence.

The failure is not restricted to the organs of the state. During and after the Gujarat riots, the role of political actors, non-governmental organisations and ‘activists’, was nothing short of shameful. There was a lot of posturing, a great deal of tamasha, but little was done to bring relief to the victims. Group after group flew into Ahmedabad, went through the motions of ‘investigation’, held press conferences and brought out ill-informed reports, but nobody stayed long enough to deliver concrete services and succour to those whose lives had been shattered and dislocated. In certain political quarters, there was almost an implicit hope that the violence would continue, so that it could be exploited electorally.

Since then, a veritable ‘Gujarat riots industry’ has come into being, whipping up flagging passions at every opportunity, and manufacturing a range of ‘products’ that are marketed principally to foreign ‘buyers’. The role of most such ‘activists’ has not been to bring people together, but to create and widen cleavages. The most important thing in a post-riot situation is to apply the healing touch. But most political parties, NGOs and professional intellectual agitators appear principally to be interested in keeping the wounds of Gujarat open and festering.

One of the manifestations or ‘products’ of this ‘Gujarat riots industry’ has been the constant, ill-informed and often hysterical attempt to blame a great deal of subsequent terrorist activity in India on the Gujarat riots. Every time there is a major terrorist attack by Pakistan-backed Islamist extremists anywhere in India, we are told by a particular lobby that this is ‘because of’ the Gujarat riots. This is the most arrant and malicious nonsense. The Gujarat riots were a blot on India’s democracy. They must be condemned without qualification, and efforts to secure justice and to reconstruct thse lives of their victims must continue. But a falsification of history is unforgivable. Worse, it feeds into the terrorists’ mobilisation machinery, justifying the murder of innocents, and inciting Muslims to ‘avenge’ the atrocities of Gujarat.

Pakistan-backed Islamist terrorism in India did not begin after Gujarat 2002. The dynamics of this terrorism are rooted in Pakistan’s strategic ambitions and the Islamist extremist ideology that has been harnessed to mobilise cadres and recruits for this terrorist enterprise. It is significant that despite the prominence the Gujarat riots receive in the propaganda of terrorist recruiters and their fellow travellers, including armies of ‘useful idiots’ among India’s chattering classes who give currency to their fictions, not a single survivor or family member of a victim has yet been found to be involved in any act of terrorism in India.

Eventually, impartial policing will be needed to create a bulwark against communal riots. To the extent that the structure, authority and legitimacy of the police are being continuously undermined, the nation’s vulnerabilities to communal violence persist. Our attention should focus on creating the apparatus of law and order management that is our best insurance against communal violence. The tragedy and stain of Gujarat cannot be wiped out; but the power to ensure that such a thing never happens again is within our grasp. Even five years after the nightmare in Gujarat, it is not too late to begin to exercise that power.

The writer is a former DGP, Punjab. He served as advisor to the Gujarat chief minister in 2002